Este es un día glorioso  y agradezco al Ateneo de Puerto Rico y a su presidente, mi buen amigo, el Doctor José Milton Soltero por haberme hecho el honor de invitarme a compartirlo con todos ustedes. Es glorioso que nuestro pueblo se reúna, como hoy, a conmemorar y celebrar su historia, su cultura y a sus héroes.
Porque, como muy bien dice el Grupo “Puerto Rico Para Tod@s” (todos y todas), grupo que defiende los derechos humanos de los homosexuales, las lesbianas, las personas bisexuales y transgénicas, Puerto Rico nos pertenece a todos, y a todas,  los y las boricuas. Hoy conmemoramos otro aniversario de la bandera de Puerto Rico. Esa bandera que nos une.  Esa bandera que nos emociona y nos enorgullece cuando se levanta en cualquier parte del planeta.
Esa bandera que hoy, la mayoría abrumadora de todos los puertorriqueños, los que residen en la isla y los que residen fuera de la isla reconocen como su bandera, pero que en un tiempo no muy lejano le costó persecución y cárcel a quienes la levantaron. Esa bandera fue creada por los puertorriqueños organizados en la Sección Puerto Rico del Partido Revolucionario Cubano en la ciudad de Nueva York.  O, sea, esa bandera que hoy es la de todos los puertorriqueños la diseñaron boricuas que residían en Estados Unidos. Esos patriotas eran, como el gran Apóstol cubano y de toda América, el gran José Martí, discípulos del gran Ramón Emeterio Betances.
Betances, el Padre de la Patria, el primer ciudadano de Puerto Rico, El Antillano, a quien también honramos aquí hoy. Ese mismo Betances, quien junto a Eugenio María de Hostos y Segundo Ruiz Belvis le dieron continuidad histórica a la lucha de Simón Bolívar por obtener la libertad de toda América, luchando por la independencia y la unidad de todas las Antillas, y por  la libertad de todos los seres humanos, empezando por la de los esclavos.
Betances nos enseñó con su ejemplo que se lucha por la justicia desde cualquier lugar donde el destino nos ubica.  Y nos enseñó, que nadie se puede considerar verdaderamente libre mientras otros sufran opresión y persecución. Siguiendo su ejemplo, hoy damos la lucha por lograr justicia para los inmigrantes en Estados Unidos.
Más de doce millones de seres humanos, muchos de ellos procedentes de nuestros países hermanos de la América Latina que llegaron a Estados Unidos buscando lo mismo que millones de boricuas que emigraron allá, buscando empleo para ganarse el pan y para proveerle a sus hijos una vida decente y próspera.  Gente trabajadora y decente, muchos de los cuales tienen esposos ó esposas, ó hijos que son ciudadanos de Estados Unidos,  Son trabajadores que hacen los trabajos que nadie quiere hacer, con los sueldos más bajos y con las condiciones de trabajo y de vivienda peores.  Estos hermanos y hermanas viven aterrorizados con la posibilidad de ser deportados y de que sus familias sean divididas. Sin duda, este es el gran asunto de derechos humanos en los Estados Unidos hoy. Estoy seguro que si viviese, el Doctor Betances me estaría orientando cómo mejor adelantar esta lucha a la que dedico tanto estos esfuerzos. Y en esa lucha, como en muchas otras, la comunidad puertorriqueña residente en Estados Unidos hace grandes contribuciones.
La patria puertorriqueña nos pertenece a todos, los que residen en la isla y los que residimos fuera de ella. Y todos contribuimos  como mejor podemos a hacerla grande.  Como esos puertorriqueños residentes de Nueva York que diseñaron nuestra bandera. Ó, como Rafael Hernández, cuando escribió “Lamento Borincano” también en Nueva York. Ó como los jóvenes boricuas en Nueva York y otras partes que tanto contribuyeron a la creación de lo que hoy llamamos Salsa.  Lo que hoy se conoce como “estudios puertorriqueños” es una gran contribución académica de la diáspora boricua a Puerto Rico y al mundo.
También algo que no se comenta mucho pero que ha sido  y es  tan importante para la economía de Puerto Rico, los billones de dólares que los emigrantes puertorriqueños han enviado a través de los años a sus familiares en la isla.  Esto es lo que hoy llamamos “remesas”, y estos envíos que hacen los trabajadores migrantes a sus familias en México, El Salvador y muchos otros países es uno de los renglones principales de esas economías, como también lo es en Puerto Rico.
Puerto Rico nos pertenece a todos y todos tenemos el derecho inalienable de participar en cualquier proceso serio de autodeterminación de Puerto Rico.  Así como Betances y Hostos nunca renunciaron a su derecho y a su deber de participar en los procesos descolonizadores de  Puerto Rico, hoy no se puede concebir de un proceso genuino para la solución de la condición colonial de Puerto Rico que no incluya a todos los puertorriqueños, residentes y no residentes en la isla, en igualdad de condiciones y derechos.
Puerto Rico nos pertenece a todos.  Le pertenece a las generaciones pasadas, como la de Betances, le pertenece a nuestra generación y le pertenece a las generaciones futuras. Esas generaciones futuras están representadas aquí hoy por René Pérez,  Residente,  Calle 13.
René Pérez es el Roberto Clemente de la música nueva.  Así como Clemente barría con los títulos de bateo, René Pérez ha barrido con los “Grammies”.  Diecinueve Grammies, incluyendo el “Disco del Año”.  Increíble. Y todos los boricuas orgullosos gritamos “Pa’ lante René”
En su canción “Latinoamérica” que se ganó el premio Grammy por “”Canción del Año”, René escribió: “Soy lo que me enseñó mi padre, El que no quiere a su patria no quiere a su madre,  Soy América Latina, un pueblo sin piernas pero que camina”. Estas palabras las pudo haber escrito Betances, Albizu Campos Julia de Burgos, ó Juan Antonio Corretjer.
Calle 13 es la voz de muchos jóvenes puertorriqueños y latinoamericanos.  Representa un punto de vista nuevo, sin tapujos ni frenos.  Expresa frustración y rabia con una realidad colonial, con la opresión, con la desigualdad social, los prejuicios y está en abierta solidaridad con los pobres, los trabajadores, los inmigrantes.  Es una voz de compromiso con la patria y con toda América Latina, comprometida con la justicia y en rebeldía abierta contra los opresores y sus representantes. René Pérez es merecedor de la Medalla Ramón Emeterio Betances que hoy le otorga el Ateneo, y  me honro en unir mi voz a ese homenaje. Sí, la patria nos pertenece a todos.
Por eso, nada más apropiado que dedicarle este evento de hoy a Oscar López. A  él también le pertenece esta patria y él pertenece en ella. Oscar López Rivera es mucho más que un prisionero político. Oscar López es un ser humano que siente y padece, como todos nosotros. Ya es tiempo de traerlo a casa. Siempre he pensado que para caminar hacia adelante como pueblo, debe existir la reconciliación entre los puertorriqueños. Debemos unirnos en todo aquello que podamos unirnos.  Y pienso que no se puede avanzar en la ruta de la descolonización de Puerto Rico mientras tengamos personas en la cárcel por haber luchado contra el colonialismo.
Todos los 19 años que llevo sirviendo como miembro del Congreso representando al cuarto distrito de Illinois he dedicado tiempo y esfuerzos a lograr la excarcelación de los prisioneros políticos puertorriqueños.  De los 15 prisioneros políticos puertorriqueños de Chicago que comenzaron a servir sentencias a finales de los años ‘70’s y principios de los ‘80’s y luego de más de treinta años en la cárcel, Oscar López es hoy el único del que permanece encarcelado.
Esta es una situación que debe tocarnos en lo más profundo de nuestros corazones y nuestra alma. A los puertorriqueños nos disgusta el abuso y la injusticia, y no existen otras palabras para  describir la situación de Oscar. Como ustedes saben, mi padre falleció el 11 de diciembre.  De inmediato hice lo que haría cualquier puertorriqueño, me monté en un avión y vine a San Sebastián a  acompañar  a mi mamá y a compartir con mi familia.  Tengo muy fresco en mi mente lo importante que fue para toda nuestra familia y para mi estar juntos frente a esta situación. A Oscar se le negó ese derecho humano básico, cuando murió su madre, Doña Mita, y cuando falleció, más recientemente su hermana Clara.
Caminando por el barrio de Chicago ó por las calles de las ciudades, pueblos y campos de Puerto Rico he visto cómo gente común y corriente se acerca a los prisioneros políticos liberados y les abrazan, les estrechan sus manos, le expresan su aprecio y cariño. Y he visto con gran alegría como estos compatriotas se han integrado a la vida,  tanto a la vida de sus familias y sus amigos y de su pueblo, pero también a sus propias vidas, donde se envuelven en sus trabajos ó sus talleres de arte ó artesanías y a sus actividades libremente escogidas.
El pueblo puertorriqueño les ha recibido a todos con los brazos abiertos. A todos, menos a uno.  Al que todavía mantienen injustamente en prisión.

- A Oscar López Rivera
A través de todos estos años, he tenido la oportunidad de visitar a Oscar en la prisión en muchas ocasiones.
He visto, cómo su cuerpo comienza a mostrar el paso del tiempo. Pero, también he visto cómo ante las peores adversidades su espíritu se crece y se fortalece.  A través de todos estos años he visto como su compromiso con su patria y con su pueblo nunca ha dado la menor señal de debilitamiento.
De hecho, a Oscar lo convencieron amigos, familiares y compañeros de que saliendo Carlos Alberto Torres de la prisión aceptara participar de la audiencia para considerar su libertad condicional, ó “Parole”. Sencillamente, luego de más de 30 años de prisión, no tiene sentido que Oscar siga encarcelado.
Desafortunadamente, esta petición de libertad bajo palabra fue recientemente denegada de  manera cruel e injusta. Oscar nunca fue acusado, y mucho menos encontrado culpable de de hacerle daño a persona alguna.  ¿Cómo es posible que veamos a asesinos, violadores, y traficantes de drogas salir de la cárcel luego de 5, 10 ó 20 años, mientras mantienen a Oscar preso luego de servir 30 años?
Basta pensar por un momento acerca de nuestras propias vidas por los últimos 30 años para darnos cuenta que es sencillamente inhumano e inaceptable todo lo que le siguen negando a Oscar al mantenerlo encerrado. Sencillamente, la situación de Oscar es cruel e inhumana y no podemos seguir tolerando este abuso contra él. Si Oscar hubiese aceptado la oferta del presidente Clinton para salir con condiciones de la cárcel ya estaría entre sus familiares y entre su pueblo.  Pero, en ese momento Oscar entendió que no podía aceptar la oferta mientras quedaran otros de sus compañeros en prisión. Pero, hoy ya no cabe duda de que sea tiempo de traer a Oscar de regreso a su casa.
Por eso, quiero hacer un llamado a todo el pueblo generoso y noble de Puerto Rico a que nos unamos, como lo hicimos para lograr la paz para Vieques, como lo hacemos en momentos de tragedia, para hablar con una sola voz y exigir la excarcelación de Oscar López. Es momento de trabajar para lograr que toda la sociedad civil de Puerto Rico, todas las organizaciones cívicas y religiosas, todos los cuerpos de gobierno se expresen claramente a favor de la excarcelación de Oscar.
Sugiero que todos nos comprometamos a comenzar a hablarle acerca de este caso a nuestros amigos, vecinos, familiares y compañeros de trabajo y de organización, en nuestras iglesias, centros de trabajos y donde quiera que compartimos con otros boricuas acerca de la necesidad de actuar para corregir esta injusticia que tanto hiere nuestra sensibilidad de pueblo. Sigo y seguiré comprometido con hacer todo lo que esté a mi alcance para colaborar con los esfuerzos para lograr su libertad. Espero que todos los buenos puertorriqueños lo hagan también.

Muchas gracias.
By Luis Gutierrez

“And in spite of the fact that here the silence from outside is more painful than the solitude inside the cave, the song of a bird or the sound of a cicada always reaches me to awaken my faith and keep me going.”  (Oscar López Rivera)

Oscar López Rivera is turning 69 years old. He was born on Three Kings Day in San Sebastián. On May 29, 2012 he will mark the 31st anniversary of being a political prisoner in United States prison. With the enormous sensibility that characterizes his life, Oscar López Rivera presents us with a unique experience of the meaning and martyrdom of prison for the spirit of a political prisoner: “The dehumanization and pernicious existence that I’ve suffered since I’ve been in prison … is the death and annihilation of the spirit… this gulag was a maze of steel and cement constructed to isolate and incapacitate… We know that sensory deprivation and the denial of creative activity causes the spirit to wither and die. That’s exactly what the jailers are trying to do keeping me here. … In the case of those of us who are prisoners for loving and defending our Homeland, the U.S. government hasn’t the slightest excuse to hold us under such pernicious conditions … I am confident that I’ve chosen to serve a just and noble cause where that security resides. A free, democratic and just Homeland represents a sublime ideal which is worth struggling for. … I’m in this dungeon and the possibilities that I will be released are remote if not impossible, under an existence the same or worse than animals caged in the zoo under physical and spiritual attack but with complete dignity and with my conscience clean and clear. … The memory of our pain is worthy of being appreciated, remembered, and never buried … Even though from afar, all those times when you celebrate together, I enjoy them vicariously.”
(“Between Torture and Resistance,” Luis Nieves Falcón, 2011).
In effect, the prolonged imprisonment of Oscar López Rivera violates the principles and prevailing norms that prohibit inhumane, cruel and degrading treatment. The imposition of disproportionate sentences that result in being locked away for decades violates the most elemental norms of coexistence and civilization.
We must recall that the International Court of Justice has ruled, in the matter of United States diplomatic and consular personnel in Tehran, that “the fact of abusively depriving human beings of their freedom and subjecting them to physically cruel punishment is manifestly incompatible with the principles of the United Nations Charter and with the fundamental rights articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” (Passed on May 24, 1980, ICJ, Reports, 1980, par. 91).
The fundamental human rights which are absolute and cannot be abolished under any circumstance, including some of those expressed in the Universal Declaration, comprise the essential nucleus of human rights, “… expression … of a universal juridical conviction: rejection of barbarism.”
Time passes very slowly but inexorably witnesses Oscar’s presence as an indictment of colonialism and the brute force of the empire. And it is that those who struggle from the very depths of the spirit cannot go unnoticed.
Oscar’s life is summarized in his unconditional love for this homeland that has led him to sacrifice his life and that of his family in defense of the dignity and sovereignty of his people. He has taken every possible risk, the penalty and pain of prolonged imprisonment, torture, psychological assault, events that have not been able to break his free will.
Thus, today we venerate the patriot and recognize his bravery, temperament, valor, tenacity, clarity of purpose and unconditional love for this historic community. Oscar: spaces of light will open so that you will see and speak to us. We will sow the land of liberty. We will listen together to the sound of the birds and the water. We will paint with you to free the soul.
We will embrace in solidarity the oppressed and the needy. We will share life from the perspective of justice. We will be fierce defenders of the truth. We will never give up the cause our ancestors were committed to. Because we are convinced that your voice, your actions, your silence, your sacrifice and your vital energy maintain the pole from which the flag of the homeland will fly.

By Juan Santiago Nieves (Attorney)

Translated by Jan Susler People’s Law Office

Imagine this: A community that is viewed as an expansive campus, home to elementary schools that specialize in all sorts of things from Montessori to math and science to language. Parents don’t have to apply and pray to win the lottery, but are guaranteed a seat for their child if they live in the neighborhood.

The high school would build on the specialties taught in the elementary schools, to draw in students from the community rather than having them travel far and wide.

This is the vision of the Community Action Council of Humboldt Park, one of four groups that have met for a year to come up with a comprehensive plan for what schools in their neighborhood should look like. Another council, in Bronzeville, has a similar vision. The four councils wrapped up presentations to CPS senior staff members last week.

When they came together last year, during the tenure of former CEO Ron Huberman, the councils were a novel idea. After years of experiencing school closings, consolidations, turnovers and takeovers handed down from above by CPS, a council would come together and create a vision for local schools.

In addition to parents and community advocates, aldermen and other elected officials would serve on the councils to give them some political leverage.

The plans are as different as the communities. Humboldt Park outlined a strategy to meld neighborhood schools and school choice. Englewood focused on creating more structures in schools to beef up parent involvement.

Yet all the groups want more high-quality preschools, and for schools to build on what students are learning as they transition from early childhood programs to elementary school to high school.

No mention of closing, consolidations

None of the plans, however, specify which schools the councils believe should be closed or consolidated, even though the communities–Englewood, Grand Boulevard, Humboldt Park and Austin–have many under-utilized schools.

The fact that the plans don’t include any recommendations for such action underscores how painful and controversial such decisions are, even when schools are virtually empty and low-achieving.

CEO Jean-Claude Brizard has said he will close and consolidate some schools this year; he’s also told the groups he will let them know what he’s thinking.

“I am proud to say that Brizard promised not to make any decisions without talking to us first,” says Chris Harris, pastor of the Bright Star Church of God and the chairman of the Bronzeville council. But Harris notes that hearing what the community has to say is not the same as listening to it.

Puerto Rican Cultural Center Executive Director Jose Lopez says the Humboldt Park council understands that some schools have to be closed, but that, rather than letting those schools sit vacant, they would like them to be used constructively for programs like job training or parent institutes.

He emphasized that the Humboldt Park council was more interested in talking about stopping the brain drain from their communities than about closing schools.

While some CPS officials might have liked for the councils to make specific recommendations about closings and other actions, council members say they wanted to offer up something more visionary.

“We didn’t want something piecemeal,” Harris says.

Serving students in their community

Because it comes out of the community, Lopez says, it incorporates ideas that outsiders often miss. “How do we harness the social capital of our community and bring it to bear on our schools?” he says. “This is the most comprehensive rethinking of schools that has happened.”

Lopez says the Humboldt Park council wants the schools in the community to be able to serve students seamlessly, from preschool through college. Julio Urrutia, deputy director of the Puerto Rican Cultural Center, says that the council wants Clemente to be the anchor of the community and to offer dual-credit programs with colleges, such as Northeastern University.

Making the neighborhood schools, such as Clemente High, more attractive is the critical factor in stemming enrollment loss. Clemente is down more than 1,000 students since 2006.

“We talked about why are we losing kids at that level?” Urrutia said.”Where are we failing?”

The plans don’t ask for, or speak against, charter schools, though CPS leaders who are supportive of charters might have been hoping the groups would get behind the idea.

Harris says the Bronzeville council supports any school that educates children well, but wants resources poured into neighborhood schools. He notes that there’s little evidence that charter schools are, on the whole, better than neighborhood schools, yet he understands why some parents choose them.

He points to Woodson South, where he is on the local school council. On one side of the building is a University of Chicago charter school, with smart-boards and new books and parents who can bring their children to school in a Mercedes-Benz, he says.

Charter schools and selective enrollment schools, such as King High School, can frustrate parents because students are chosen for them, creating a situation where students are forced to walk past good schools to go to worse ones.

“At the end of the day, do not put a school in my community and tell me my kid can’t go,” Harris says.

Potential impact

It’s anyone’s guess what the district’s leadership will do with these plans. Since the groups began meeting, Huberman left, Interim CEO Terry Mazany came and went, and new CEO Brizard has taken over. Robert Runcie, the former chief administrative officer who spearheaded the process, has also left CPS.

Brizard’s administration is still digesting the plans and is not ready to comment on them, according to a spokesperson.

But there are signs that the process could have at least some impact.

While Brizard is not beholden to the councils, he and his senior staff did take time to meet with them and listen to their presentations. And amid hundreds of layoffs in central office, the former principal who has overseen the council process, Bill Gerstein, remains on board.

Other communities, such as Roseland, are starting to meet to come up with plans as well.

Public pressure, too, could put pressure on the district to listen. In Humboldt Park, the plan was unveiled and approved at a community summit meeting attended by 300 people.

Harris says the Bronzeville council also worked with the chief of schools, Sean Stalling, who oversees area high schools, and Shawn Smith, who oversees area elementary schools.

The Humboldt Park council also included ideas about how to lengthen the school day, which is at the top of Brizard’s agenda. Rather than add many more minutes to subjects such as math and reading, the Humboldt Park council would like to see community groups and neighborhood institutions such as the fire department work with teachers to integrate some real-life, hands on lessons.

“Why would we do the same things, and students are [already] bored to death?” Lopez said.

Note: Catalyst Chicago is still waiting on copies of all of the community action plans. After saying they would provide them on Wednesday, CPS officials have not done so. Once they do, we will post in full.

Several years ago, on the historic day of March 10, 2006, hundreds of thousands of students and families took to the streets in protest against Sensenbrenner bill H.R. 4437. This  repressive bill, which was successfully defeated thanks to such protests, sought to  criminalize undocumented immigration and make felons out of any individual or organization convicted of assisting undocumented immigrants.

Since then, Latino and immigrant rights activists have continued to demand comprehensive immigration reform and an end to raids, deportations, and attacks on immigrant communities. This first mega march took place here in Chicago, and spread throughout the country, sparking some of the largest protests in U.S. history. Though Chicago was, and continues to be, central to the national immigration debate, there is a tendency to ignore or forget the city’s contribution.

Fortunately, a recent book documents and analyzes Chicago’s special place in the immigrant rights movement. Edited by UIC professors, political scientist Amalia Pallares and sociologist Nilda Flores-González, ¡Marcha! Latino Chicago and the Immigrant Rights Movement explores the organizations, leaders, politics and identities that gave rise to the megamarches and to the broader politics of Latino and immigrant rights.

On March 31, Batey Urbano and the Puerto Rican Cultural Center (PRCC) hosted a community discussion of ¡Marcha!. Presenters included Flores-González, Pallares, Michael Rodríguez Muñiz, a contributor of a chapter on Puerto Rican participation in the immigrant rights movement, and Jhonathan Gomez, a member of a collective of photographers. Since its release, the book and photography exhibit has traveled to community spaces throughout the city,
stimulating reflection and brainstorming for the future. Given the PRCC’s longstanding involvement in the movement and the fact that two immigrant rights activists took sanctuary on Paseo Boricua, organizers felt an event in Humboldt Park was quite important.

Before a crowd of over 60 people, the presenters and audience engaged in discussion of the immigrant rights movement and prospects for progressive change in the future. It represents a great example of scholarship combining with political activism to carve out new possibilities.

¡Marcha! is published by and
available from the University of
Illinois Press.

Continuing a series of speeches the Congressman has delivered on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives on the civil and human rights crisis in Puerto Rico, Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez (D-IL) today addressed a proposed natural gas pipeline project that is being pushed by the Governor of Puerto Rico and his party.  The so-called “Via Verde” — or “Green Way” — is a 92 mile cross island project that has not received sufficient study or public scrutiny because it is being promoted as a response to an “energy emergency.”  Rep. Gutierrez announced he has filed a series of Freedom of Information Act requests for information from all federal agencies that have addressed the project and asked the Army Corps of Engineers to “ o deny the permit request for the pipeline until experts testify, permits are applied for, community meetings are held, and environmental impact studies are done.”  The following are the Congressman’s remarks, delivered at approximately 10:00 a.m. ET, as prepared for delivery,

REP. GUTIERREZ: Mr. Speaker I rise today to talk once again about Puerto Rico, but this time it’s a little different. I rise to note that Governor Luis Fortuño of Puerto Rico has actually said something that I can agree with.

Speaking about a proposed gas pipeline, the Republican Governor said, “We can’t continue to depend on fossil fuels.  Gasoducto is fossil fuels.”     He went on to say that “tying us down to natural gas for 30 years would be a grave mistake.”

He was referring to the construction of a natural gas pipeline on an island where the beautiful beaches, mountains and rain forests are both irreplaceable natural resources and part of the economic engine that drives tourism — a gas pipeline that sounds like a dubious proposition.

And I agree.

Mr. Fortuño spoke these words two years ago, as a candidate, criticizing his opponent.  Sadly, now that he is safely in office, Governor Fortuño has changed his mind. Now, he enthusiastically supports not just gas pipelines, but a much bigger, more environmentally disruptive and more expensive pipeline.

And how the construction of this gigantic, super-sized pipeline is being handled is another reason I must speak out — again — on the civil rights crisis in Puerto Rico. The ruling party would rather people not notice that Mister Fortuño and Governor Fortuño have opposite positions on gas pipelines.

So they are working hard to move this project forward under the cover of night. Every day – the ruling party answers this question: If you wanted to undertake a potentially dangerous, economically dubious, environmentally disastrous and extremely unpopular project – how would you go about it?

Here’s the ruling party’s answer:  You circumvent feasibility studies.  You avoid environmental impact studies.  You ignore the standard permitting and licensing procedures.  And you take every step possible to eliminate public hearings and public scrutiny.

But how do you proceed without these necessary safeguards and information?    If you are the government of Puerto Rico, and you want to build a 92 mile natural gas pipeline over the mountains; through forests, lakes and rivers; and across critical groundwater systems in Puerto Rico, you would amend a law designed to deal with natural disasters so you can bypass the normal permitting and public process.

What this ruling party does is declare an “energy emergency.”

This government’s “energy emergency” allows the pipeline to proceed — despite warnings from the Sierra Club, the environmental group Casa Pueblo, and even the U.S. Fish and Wildlife service.
— Despite residents’ concerns that it will be constructed near schools, churches and residential areas.

— Despite geologists noting it is near earthquake faults and that there have been 2,500 seismic events in the last 3 years and one felt all over the island just 2 days ago.

The self-declared “energy emergency” also helps hide the fact that you’ve given a ten million dollar contract to a pal of the Governor’s who has no experience at all in constructing gas pipelines.  He does, however, have experience skiing with the governor.  And maybe that’s why you run a slick, taxpayer funded PR campaign that renames the project “The Via Verde” — “the green way.”  So, instead of speaking to the huge financial, human and environmental costs — this Orwellian ad campaign calls a gas pipeline over the mountains and through the woods a “green way.”

Like a lot of people, I think it would be better to name it “Green away”… a magical cleanser you apply to your forests, rivers and lakes, to make them go away…along with millions of green tax dollars. Here’s an even more honest name for the project: the “wrong way.”  Because it’s wrong to spend the people’s money on a project they don’t want and hasn’t been appropriately studied, as the newspaper El Nuevo Día has shown in a series of reports.

Candidate Fortuño was right.  Governor Fortuño is wrong.

To shine some light on this matter, I have sent Freedom of Information Act requests to every and all federal agencies that have addressed the pipeline project.  I will release the results so that the people know who their government is meeting with, what documents exist, and what studies have been done to show the need for this project.

It’s time they stop doing things the “Via Verde” way and start doing things the right way.

Los estudiantes en huelga del Recinto de Río Piedras de la Universidad de Puerto Rico que realizan actos de desobediencia civil sintieron la pasada semana cómo la Policía de Puerto Rico ha intensificado las técnicas de tortura que utiliza para arrestarlos.

Información relacionada y más fotos en páginas centrales Vídeos en www.claridadpuertorico.com

Rodillas sobre la cabeza de los detenidos para presionarlos sobre el pavimento, dejarle caer con fuerza las rodillas sobre sus espaldas, presión intensa en la nuca, debajo de las orejas, en la sien y en la garganta, dobladuras de brazos y manos, entre otras, han sido modalidades de abusos que ha implementado los efectivos de la división de Arrestos Especiales y de la Fuerza de Choque aún cuando los arrestados ya están esposados. Luego arrastran por el piso a los que se niegan a caminar hasta el vehículo que los transportará a los cuarteles, en incluos se ha visto a algunos policías agredir sexualmente a las jóvenes arrestadas que se encolerizan y comienzan a gritar, tocando sus partes íntimas.

Esas han sido las imágenes que la Fuerza de Choque ha intentado que no se documenten, parándose frente a los lentes de los fotoperiodistas y periodistas que buscando el ángulo para ver cómo se realizan los arrestos para luego describirlos, han sido agredidos. Es así es como se han formado los policías en las fuertes confrontaciones con estudiante, llegando incluso a agredir a los trabajadores de la prensa.

La evidente intención de la Policía de causar dolor desproporcionado a los arrestados es lo que exacerba los ánimos de los estudiantes que piquetean frente a sus compañeros desobedientes civiles y presencian el abuso policial.En los actos de desobediencia civil que realizaron los estudiantes el pasado jueves 27 de enero frente al Capitolio, se vio cómo la Policía ha incrementado el uso de técnicas de tortura sometiendo a los estudiantes a varias de ellas a la vez y por varios policías. Hubo el caso de una joven que tras apretarle tan fuerte debajo de las orejas se desmayó y la Policía la esposó aún sin haber recobrado el conocimiento.

Ese día, los huelguistas habían llegado a eso de las 12:30 de la tarde de hasta la Legislatura donde encontraron cerradas las puertas de la entrada principal y policías que se fueron colocando frente a ellos. Al menos 30 estudiantes se sentaron al inicio de las escalinatas del Capitolio para realizar desobediencia civil. Portaron cartelones, algunos que leían “los chavos están en OGP”, o “esto es por mí, esto es por ti, esto es por tu país”. La líder estudiantil Xiomara Caro explicó que los estudiantes fueron a presentar a los legisladores un proyecto de ley por petición que consistía en que los $50 millones sobrantes del Fondo de Estabilización Fiscal (FEF) se asignara al presupuesto de la UPR para así evitar la cuota de $800 y el problema de la accesibilidad a la Universidad, dos de las razones del conflicto universitario. Solicitaban que algún legislador tomara el proyecto “y lo aprueben” como se ha hecho con otros tantos que se han aprobado de la noche a la mañana o fines de semana. Sólo el representante por el Partido Popular Dencrático, Luis Vega Ramos, se acercó a ellos y se comprometió a estudiar el proyecto y presentarlo. Mientras tanto, los desobedientes esperaban por una delegación del Comité de Representación Estudiantil (CRE) que había entrado temprano en la mañana al Capitolio con intenciones de explicar a los legisladores su proyecto. El CRE insiste a su vez en que además de los $50 millones del FEF, la legislatura destine al presupuesto de la UPR los $30 millones en becas legislativas en lugar de a estudiantes individuales, porque así no se incrementarán los costos de estudio. Con esas dos propuestas estudiantiles la UPR recibiría $80 millones, el doble de lo que la administración universitaria espera recibir de la cuota de $800 por estudiante, según ha dicho.

Cerca de las 2:15 pm los estudiantes, que ya habían advertido estar dispuestos a que se les arrestara, movieron su acto de desobediencia civil a la Avenida Constitución, al lado sur del Capitolio, no sin antes escuchar a Caro decir que se retiraban del lugar pero que en la medida en que no había oídos para una solución al conflicto “las manifestaciones y la huelga continuarán”. Otros se sentaron en el Paseo Covadonga, bloqueando el tránsito de todos los carriles en ambos lados. A eso de las 3:00 PM comenzaron a producirse los arrestos en la Avenida Constitución por órdenes del capitán González. Empleados del Capitolio salieron a gritar a los estudiantes “paguen la cuota”, lo que por poco provoca otro motín adicional. Por otro lado, un policía de apellido Cortés, placa 24619, que se encontraba al otro lado de la calle, le quitó el seguro a su arma e hizo amague de desenfundarla contra uno de los estudiantes. Pero un grupo de estudiantes lo siguió hasta que se alejó. Otro policía, de apellido Clemente, placa 30944, le dio con la macana en la mano a una estudiante que le enseñó el proyecto de ley que los estudiantes habían llevado al Capitolio.
A las 3:50 pm la Fuerza de Choque se atravesó en la Ave. Constitución empujando a los estudiantes hacia el Paseo Covadonga donde se encontraba el otro grupo de desobedientes civiles. A las 4:30 PM y tras éstos no ser arrestados, se movieron nuevamente a la Avenida Constitución evadiendo el bloqueo policial. La Fuerza de Choque la emprendió contra ellos con gas pimienta directamente rociada a la cara de los estudiantes. Luego los empujaron con sus escudos y lanzando los gases lacrimógenos. Los estudiantes intentaron evadirlos y les devolvieron con los pies las bombas de humo. También les tiraron algunas botellas de agua y piedras y comenzaron a correr. La Fuerza de Choque, dividida en varias escuadras, atravesó la calle de lado a lado para perseguirlos. Según llegaban más efectivos de la Fuerza de Choque continuaban formándose a todo lo ancho de la calle dejando un amplio espacio entre cada escuadra, penetrando algunos las calles aledañas, lo que se convirtió en un despliegue abarcador. Entonces se colocaron máscaras antigases y se fueron disparando indiscriminadamente con escopetas lanza gases y de balas de goma, mientras a su paso viraban zafacones y rompían bolsas de basura. Los residentes comenzaron a salir a la calle. La directora de un colegio y una égida en esa avenida que se identificó como “hermana Rose Marie González”, cuestionó de frente a la Fuerza de Choque por sus acciones. “Parece que estamos viviendo una dictadura”, les decía mientras explicaba que los estudiantes del Colegio se encontraban en la cancha al momento de los disparos y tuvieron que ser movidos al interior del colegio para tranquilizarlos. Igual reclamó respeto para los residentes de la égida. “Cualquiera diría que estamos en una guerra”, añadió.

Sobre 30 estudiantes fueron arrestados esa tarde, sumándose a los sobre 100 que fueron arrestados la semana anterior por negarse a rendir sus reclamos de que la Policía salga de la Universidad y por una educación superior pública al menor costo posible.

Perla Franco/ CLARIDAD

The spreading of exaggerations, distortions and outright falsehoods is a commonplace tactic of those in power. In the past several weeks, the international freedom campaign for Puerto Rican political prisoner Oscar López Rivera has suffered numerous attacks from the mainstream press and conservative pundits. López Rivera has been incarcerated since 1981 for his involvement in the Puerto Rican independence movement, a cause legitimated by international law and the United Nations protocol on decolonization. Before his imprisonment, he served as a community activist and founder of numerous grassroots community and educational organizations in Chicago. Though López Rivera counts on widespread support within the Puerto Rican/Latino community and progressive sectors around the globe, recent attacks by the Right have attempted to sabotage his appearance before the U.S. Parole Commission.

Using various media outlets, the opposition has tried to shift the debate through sensationalistic articles and opt-eds. The most recent article, published in the Sun Times, represents another propaganda piece masquerading as journalism. In the article, “Gutierrez pushes for release of imprisoned former Chicago FALN leader,” author Dave Mckinney advances unsubstantiated and ideologically-motivated claims, which virtually – and this I suspect is no coincidence – the official line of the F.B.I. and broader ‘intelligence’ community. This most recent article, just as those that preceded it, have displaced the facts, drawn convenient connections without evidence, and constructed an ‘objective’ narrative devoid of journalist integrity. This, of course, is not surprising and to be expected. Notwithstanding, it is important to set these falsifications straight and maintain the legitimacy and humanity of the campaign to free Oscar López Rivera.

One of the consistent threads in opposition articles is the fallacious attribution of a host of actions to López Rivera. For instance, he is accused of planning and executing the 1974 bombing of Fraunces Traven. To be clear, there is no evidence tying López Rivera to this event. But conservative commentators will not be deterred by something as troublesome as ‘evidence.’ In their eyes, López Rivera is guilty; no matter what the evidence supports or what his conviction is based on. They obviously hold in contempt the old adage: innocent until proven guilty. What they want is for López Rivera to remain in jail for virtually the duration of his life regardless of the facts of the case. The opposition operates by a different code: guilt by suspected association. Though they have tried to muddle the truth, I should firmly stress that López Rivera was not convicted of harming anyone or causing bloodshed.

Right wing attacks against López Rivera’s campaign ignore the fact that he was convicted of “seditious conspiracy” and related charges. It is important to note that in the 20th century, this highly-political charge was almost exclusively used against Puerto Ricans advocating for Puerto Rican independence and other progressive, liberatory movements. One of the immense and tragic ironies of the case is the fact that Oscar López Rivera was convicted of the exact same charge as Nelson Mandela. While the U.S. government (now) hails Mandela as a symbol of freedom, López Rivera is depicted as an “unrepentant separatist” bent on violence. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Thus contrary to the claims of U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald, López Rivera is not a fanatical endorser of violence. In fact, he and all of the now freed Puerto Rican political prisoners have – on numerous occasions – renounced violence and have expressed a deep commitment to resolving Puerto Rico’s colonial status through civic means. Former President Clinton, who released 11 Puerto Ricans incarcerated for “seditious conspiracy” and offered to release López Rivera after an additional 10 years, affirmed publically that these individuals posed no threat to civil society. In contrast to the false allusions circulating the internet, López Rivera did not reject Clinton’s offer due to a commitment to violence. The truth of the matter is simply he did

not want to accept an offer not extended to all his co-defendants.

Each of the articles and blogs postings advocating the continued incarceration of López Rivera have unsuccessfully tried to wash away the wide and broad-based support for his release. In the past several months, over 20,000 letters of support have been sent to the Parole Commission. Support is also quite diverse, including community leaders, cultural workers, professors, politicians, family, and the public at large. As seen in the recent McKinney article, supporters of his release, like Congressman Luis Gutiérrez, have begun to be attacked directly in the press. The opposition fails not only to recognize the legitimacy of support, but also the fact that supporters like Gutiérrez are not alone. This freedom campaign counts on the expressed support of Congresspersons José Serrano and Nydia Velázquez (both of NY), Resident Commissioner Pedro Pierluisi, former Puerto Rico governor, Anibal Acevedo Vilá, mayors from across the island of Puerto Rico and elected officials from the following U.S. states: New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Ohio. Moreover, he has received the support of Nobel Peace Prize honoree South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu and religious leaders throughout the U.S. and Puerto Rico.

For the past three decades – twelve of which spent in a sensory depravation unit – Oscar López Rivera has been confined inside prison walls. Though he was never convicted of taking a life or harming anyone, he has received a longer prison sentence typically given for murder, rape, or child molestation. A parole appointed examiner recently recommended that López Rivera serve an additional 15 years. Mind you, he is already 68 years old. In addition to attempting to erase the facts of his case, they have also tried to erase the fact that López Rivera is an accomplished writer, thinker and artist. They willfully ignore his history of community activism, his Bronze Medal of Honor received in Vietnam, and his life work of fighting for a more equitable and humanistic world. His family and the Nation of Puerto Rico desperately await his return to his homeland. His continued incarceration is a human rights violation of the first order. It is time to bring Oscar López Rivera home. Anything less is a grave injustice, motivated not by the facts of his case, but by an ideological agenda opposed to freedom. Free Oscar!

To support and learn more about the
Oscar López Rivera Freedom Campaign
visit: www.boricuahumanrights.org.

Commentary by Michael Rodríguez Muñiz

Hundreds of volunteers collect 12,500 signatures in under 20 days.

In a strong demonstration of support, more than 12,500 residents from across Chicago signed petitions nominating Reverend Wilfredo De Jesus for Mayor of the City of Chicago. The amount of signatures collected will allow De Jesus to appear on the ballot in the February municipal elections.

In a testament to his ground operation and how his message has resonated with Chicago voters, this milestone was reached only 19 days after he announced his candidacy for Mayor at a rally in Humboldt Park before hundreds of supporters.
De Jesus plans to continue to collect signatures until the November 22nd deadline to ensure he is able to withstand any petition challenges, a typical practice during the Chicago election process.

“I want to thank every one of the hundreds of volunteers that cared about the future of Chicago enough to spend their free time at train stations, bus stops and walking neighborhoods across the city collecting signatures for my candidacy. With your efforts you bring back not only signatures but the voice and hope of the people of Chicago that things can get better” stated De Jesus.

Marilyn Morales, a Boricua raised in Humboldt Park, is campaigning diligently for the position of City Clerk. Morales took time to share a little about herself and her interest in running for City Clerk with our readers.

La Voz –Tell us a little bit about yourself
MM: I am a native Chicagoan born and raised in Humboldt Park to Puerto Rican parents.I am a product of the Chicago Public School system graduating from Kelvyn Park High School in 1980. I obtained my B.S. from Aurora College and acquired a Masters in Education from the University of Illinois at Chicago in 1994. I am the mother of three great kids and I currently live in the Northwest side of Chicago. I have over 20 years of public service employment experience. I started off with the Illinois Department of Human Rights and then, I worked at the University of Illinois at Chicago. For the past 16 years, I have worked for the Chicago Park District. I also worked at the Association House during the time that Miguel Del Valle was the director. I am on the Vida/Sida Advisory Board and served on the Institute of Puerto Rican Arts and Culture (IPRAC)
Board of Directors. In addition, I am a Puerto Rican Agenda member, co-founder of
Boricua Pride and became a Metropolitan Leadership Institute Fellow in 2008. I love
Paseo Boricua, café, and I love to read!

La Voz – What does the City Clerk’s office do and why are you running for City Clerk?
MM: City Clerk’s Office is the second highest ranking office in the city. It is responsible for maintaining all the official records of city government. Additionally, it
is responsible for issuing business, liquor and other city licenses, and distributing city stickers, passports, and dog licenses. I am running for City Clerk because I believe I have the leadership, organizational, and management skills necessary to do the job. I am exceptionally qualified and possess the skills necessary to run that department effectively and efficiently. I would like to continue to expand the se vices provided and make the office more
accessible, transparent, and responsive
to the public.

La Voz – Tell us about your campaign
MM: Right now the big job is to collect 12,500 signatures, so we are pounding the streets getting signatures. This is a local grassroots effort to get me on the ballot and
we need every Chicago registered voter available to sign my petition. Our volunteers
are wonderful people from all over the city who want to give me an opportunity to run for this office, and I am excited about the overwhelming amount of support from different organizations. They all believe in my genuine interest and commitment to the people of this city, and they are doing all that they can to collect signatures. I am very grateful to all who have been encouraging and supportive of my effort to run for City Clerk. Anyone who is interested in volunteering can e-mail us at marilynmorales@marilynforcityclerk.org.

The following is a statement by Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez (D-IL):

When I make important decisions I try to think about Roberto Clemente.

Roberto Clemente had everything.  A great career.  A rifle arm.  A big contract.  Fans who adored him.

And yet, he risked it all to help others.  He made a decision that was entirely unselfish.  A decision about the greater good of his people.  He took on the dictator of Nicaragua, got on a small plane, overloaded with relief supplies, flew into a storm – and gave his life for others.

I’m not here to compare myself to Clemente.  Not at all. Few people will ever earn that comparison.  But I am here to say that as I think about making a decision like running for Mayor of Chicago, I try to learn from his example.

And the example he set was this: when you make a decision, do it based on what is best for your people.

I love the City of Chicago.  I would love to be Mayor of the City of Chicago, and I believe I could do great things for people.  For Latinos, for African-Americans, for immigrants, for gays and lesbians, for every person in Chicago who wants a better future for themselves and their families.
I believe I could make a difference.

And I believe our campaign is in very strong shape.  We have lots of funding, and commitments for more.  We have plenty of signatures on petitions.  We have enthusiasm and support and volunteers.  We have a poll that says we are in a very strong position and that the Latino community in particular would rally to my candidacy.

It’s an exciting and important opportunity.

And so I have weighed that excitement and that opportunity and that possibility alongside of my current opportunity.  And my current obligation.

I’m honored to serve in Congress.  My constituents have sent me back many times.  I take their trust seriously.  I’m humbled by it.

And across this nation, immigrants are counting on me too.  The people I’ve talked about today in detail.  The people I’ve met in Jersey City and Tampa, in El Paso and San Jose, in Cleveland and Phoenix.

Today, our immigrant community is under attack – but we’re fighting back.  And I am fortunate enough to be on the frontlines of the battle.  Fortunate to stand up for families that are being torn apart and moms and dads who are being deported.  To have a direct line to the President of the United States to say “you have to do more.”  To go to Phoenix to say “what you are doing here is unjust and must be stopped.”  To walk the streets of Pilsen and Little Village and give people hope.

To debate anti-immigrant lead
ers wherever we find them – from the ballot box to the television talk shows.

It’s a tough time for those of us who believe in fairness for immigrants.  But history is not written by those who give up.

And history is not written by those who change battles in the middle of the
fight.

Today I tell you that I have an obligation to all of my constituents and all of the immigrant families I have met and learned from across this country.  I have an obligation to not give up the fight for fairness, for justice and for finally passing comprehensive immigration reform.

I have an obligation not to give up on the fight I’ve already begun.

I have unfinished business to complete.

So I will not be a candidate for Mayor of the City of Chicago.

This is an extremely difficult decision, and I thank with all my heart the people who have been working so hard and supporting my candidacy.

But it is a decision I make knowing it is the right thing to do.   There is one and only one reason I am not running — I’m already engaged in the most important battle I can commit my energy and time and devotion to winning.  I am one-hundred percent committed to fighting for fairness and justice for immigrants, and to continue the battle for comprehensive immigration reform.

Standing up for immigrants, and finishing this battle, and winning this fight is far more important than whatever personal disappointment I might feel in not making the race for Mayor of the City of Chicago.

I love Chicago.  I’ve reached out to other candidates today to tell them I’m not running and to wish them well.  I will be engaged in this race and will still be a voice for fairness for all of the people of Chicago.  For jobs.  For better schools.  For safe streets.

But I will be that voice while I continue my obligations as Congressman and my crusade for comprehensive immigration reform.

I know today – that even though I believe we would have mounted a great campaign, an important campaign, a winning campaign – this is the right decision for the people I represent and for people who count on me.

So I thank you.  Today is not the end of a fight – it’s the continuation of a struggle for justice – and I invite all of you to join me in this very important crusade.   Because with all of you – together – we will win.

Thank you very much.

(Press Release 10/2010)